Nigeria: Pastor Series1: Tunde Bakare-Prophet of Church Revival and National Rebirth

Tunde_BakareTunde Bakare is among the most controversial gospel ministers in Nigeria-this man who goes by title of a pastor, is obviously, by calling, a prophet of church and national revival. Tunde Bakare, a former legal adviser in Deeper Life Church, later became a pastor in Pastor Adeboye’s Redeemed Christian Church of God until he left under controversial circumstances. Bakare is not the type of prophets who sees visions of colour of women’s underwear and the bank details of his congregations in GTB, UBA or even Chase Manhattan Bank. His prophetic prediction is sometimes faulty due to poor analysis of pieces of spiritual information- even Apostle Peter misinterpreted the time of the coming of Jesus Christ; therefore, a prophet who is in a hurry to release information of global nature might misinterpret the vision. This is the problem with Bakare’s prohecies.
Tunde Bakare is not an acclaimed seer, he obviously is not gifted in Words of Wisdom or Words of Knowledge, the type you may see when Adeboye ministers in Redeemed Christian Church of God or Odukoya preaches in Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministry, however, this man has an unusual understanding of the times and seasons ( like the sons of Issachar) and as such through the tones of his speech, one can discern the mind of God concerning the nation and the church.

In March 1999, Tunde Bakare told a stunned nation that President-elect Olusegun Obasanjo would be killed by the military before the May 29th handover date. According to the prophesy that was credited to him, Bakare said that “In a vision I eavesdropped on the conversation going on in heaven. I saw Jesus on the throne called the seat of Governor and the subject they were discussing was Nigeria. This was what came out of the lips of the Lord. ‘Rejoice not oh land, or your joy is temporary. For I am bringing your judges and your rulers, your priests and your prophets to my threshing floor. I will judge Saul and his comrades and after I have finished, I will restore to you a permanent joy. Obasanjo is not your messiah. He is King Agag and the prophetic axe will fall upon his head before May 29.’ And I asked Lord, how are you going to judge Saul and what has he done? God said: ‘I sent him on an assignment to overtake, to recover, and to demolish but he didn’t. He spared the fat calves, he spared the big sheep and he brought Agag back to Jerusalem. I will judge Saul and his comrades and after I have finished my purging, then your joy will be permanent.”
Eventually, Obasanjo was sworn in on the 29th of May 1999 and was never assassinated until he handed over to late president Umaru Yar’adua. However, I do recollect that following Pastor Bakare’s prophecies, Obasanjo set up two groups of prayer teams in Otta Farms, a women’s exclusive group and a general group, all interceding that the transition to civil rule be not truncated by soldiers. During the same period, Obasanjo ran to Pastor Adeboye’s Redeemed Camp for spiritual fortification. He also ran to Primate Olabayo to deliver him from Bakare’s prophecies and there are reports that he also embarked on a seven day fast. At the end the military were eased off without bloodshed.
Was Bakare’s prophecy false- I do not think so? I believe that his interpretation of the vision and implications was faulty. God told Jonah to go to Nineveh and declare the judgments of destruction from God on the inhabitants, the Ninevites repented at the preaching of Jonah and God told his prophet that He has averted the catastrophe He intended for that nation- and this u-turn made Jonah very angry. I believe that Bakare had understanding that something evil is about to occur in the land but while he foreclosed the possibilities of redemption, other prophets, pastors and prayer warriors heeded his warnings and used the power of intercession to avert the calamity.
However, earlier in 1993, he prophesied on Abiola’s death, asking sarcastically, “Is there no old man in MKO’s house to restrain him because once he begins, he will not come out alive?” Some pastors in Sokoto still remember that he prophesied the humiliation of the caliphate in 1995 when he first visited. According to Bakare ”1995 is the year of the unprecedented humiliation of the Sokoto caliphate. Its influence in the sociopolitical setup of Nigeria will not only wane, it will die. This (the then) Sultan will not be there by the end of the year” In that same year, General Sanni Abacha deposed Dasuki as the Sultan of Sokoto.

Tunde Bakare is a prophet of national and church rebirth. He is angry for the state of Nigeria just as prophets Ezekiel, Jeremiah, Isaiah cried for the spiritual fallen state of Israel. They also challenged the Governments of the day and condemned evil in the land. Therefore, Bakare is fulfilling his calling. He is in the forefront of a new generation of pastors who are no more ready to tolerate profligacy that has brought poverty on the nation. This is the prophetic ministry dimension of Tunde Bakare. Listening to his TV program, a pattern of a prophet burdened about the fallen state of the church and the corrupt state of the nation is easily discernible. He tries to educate his audience on the demands of integrity and leadership with a view to changing the mindset of a generation from consumption mentality to productive mindset.

Tunde Bakare has only one church, Later Rain Assembly, Lagos; however, it is discernible that hundreds of thousands of Nigerians listen to his Television preachment from all walks of life, including Muslims. He seldom dwells on prosperity, rather Christian maturity, responsibility and leadership seems to be the central theme of his message, with occasional bashing of the government of the day for ineptitude. Therefore, a drifting state like Nigeria needs the prophetic irritating voice of the likes of Bakare in order not to fall into a state of Armageddon.

Tunde Bakare became the running mate to the leader of Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the most popular Muslim politician in Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, in the 2011 presidential polls. A lot of Christians and prominent pastors berated Bakare for teaming up with a Muslim fundamentalist, describing him as a saboteur. However, these pastors do not find any problem that Ekwueme ( Christian) teamed up with Shagari (Muslim) in 1979 and 1983, and that Jonathan ( Christian) teamed up with Yaradua( Muslim) in 2007, and they have no problem with Diya ( Christian) being deputy to maximum dictator, Abacha (Muslim) but because it is controversial Bakare, everybody must complain.

It is obvious that Muhammadu Buhari have been so entrapped by the sincerity of this Christian clergyman that he defied the advice of northern elders and Muslim Ulamas and picked Bakare, a Muslim convert to Christianity, as his running mate. This is the type of influence Bakare is wielding, able to create a cross religious trust in a nation polarized along religious lines. The last thing an average Nigerian Muslim wants is a preacher of the gospel as a deputy or running mate, but Bakare have broken that barrier. No wonder I know a lot of Muslims who personally told me that they listen to his preaching on Television every Sunday while a few confessed to me that they’ve sneaked to attend his church service at one time or the other.

As a church revival prophet, Tunde Bakare’s programmes with other denominations are always geared towards sanitizing the churches which have derailed from the message of salvation to the message of empire building and stomach enlargement. I attended one of them in Sokoto some years back and noticed that pastors, after the conference, went back to their churches and started a revival process. I noticed the same pattern in Enugu quite earlier when some pastors went back to the gospel roots after one of his visitations.

Tunde Bakare condemns pastors who make their wives automatic pastors and Deputy General Overseers. He also condemns pastors who hang around political office holders without telling them the truth. He condemns turning every day of the week into church service without time for people to practice what they were taught. Above all, he wants the church to return to its Apostolic roots.

However, as a prophet, I have areas where I disagree with Bakare. He has variously condemned the use of anointed oil, anointed handkerchief, Holy Communion, communion of sprinkling, Shiloh sacrifice among others which some other denominations use as faith extenders. For instance, Winners Chapel uses anointing oil, mantle, blood of sprinkling, feet washing ; Redeemed Church uses anointing oil, anointed handkerchief; Mountain of Fire uses anointed oil; Catholics uses holy oil for ordination, confirmation and extreme unction and uses holy water frequently. Catholics reserve feet washing for Chrism Mass. The Bible states in Mark 6 vs 13 “And they cast out many devils, and anointed with oil many that were sick, and healed them.” . Also in James 5 vs 14-15 the Apostle enjoined thus ”Is any sick among you? let him call for the elders of the church; and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord: And the prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up; and if he have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him”.
The handkerchiefs of Paul was used to heal the sick, Acts 19 vs 11-20 states that “God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul: so that from his body were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of them.” As an itinerant missionary to some interior regions of Nigeria and Africa, I have personally encountered emergency darkness, demonic attacks, evil operations and occultist manipulations and it took the application of some of these faith extenders, as dictated by the Spirit, to contain some life threatening situations. Therefore, Bakare’s position on these things is not based on revelation. However, the elevation of anointing oil, handkerchiefs, etc as substitute for the Spirit of God working in a Christian, producing faith for exploits, is highly condemnable, and if that is what Bakare meant, then he is in order.

Tunde Bakare is a prophet kept by God to ensure that the church and the nation do not slide into destruction. He is fulfilling his ministry. The likes of Rev Martin Luther King, Rev Jesse Jackson are activist pastors whose prophetic voice of resistance contributed in no small ways to the liberation of the black America from bondage and discrimination and set the US on the pedestal of being the symbol of democracy and equality, especially with the emergency of Barrack Obama as the first African American president.

Other pastors and prophets who have similar callings with Bakare should come out of hiding and rise to the occasion, lend a voice in redeeming the nation, region, zones , states and local councils from years of corrupt leaderships .

Tunde Bakare certainly has his excesses but he needs our prayers and support to succeed in this agenda of being a prophetic voice of church revival and national rebirth.

Obinna Akukwe
profetobinna2@yahoo.com
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Kenyatta Becomes New President of Kenya

Kenya's President Uhuru Kenyatta (C) displays the special sword that he received to represent his instruments of power from his predecessor, Mwai Kibaki (2nd L), after his official swearing-in ceremony at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi, April 9, 2013.

Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta (C) displays the special sword that he received to represent his instruments of power from his predecessor, Mwai Kibaki (2nd L), after his official swearing-in ceremony at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi, April 9, 2013.

NAIROBI — Uhuru Kenyatta vowed to promote peace, unity and economic development at his inauguration Tuesday as Kenya’s fourth president. Kenyatta and his deputy are taking power while facing charges at the International Criminal Court, which could complicate the country’s relations with the world community.

Kenyatta took the oath of office in an elaborate ceremony at the Moi International Sports Center outside Nairobi.

A host of African leaders watched the proceedings in VIP seating behind the dais, including Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, Rwanda’s Paul Kagame and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. The U.S. ambassador and the British high commissioner to Kenya also attended.

Kenya's President Uhuru Kenyatta takes the oath of office as his wife Margaret holds a bible during the official swearing-in ceremony at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi, April 9, 2013.

Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta takes the oath of office as his wife Margaret holds a bible during the official swearing-in ceremony at Kasarani Stadium in Nairobi, April 9, 2013.

Vowing peace, unity

The 51-year-old son of Kenya’s founding president, a former finance minister and one of the country’s richest men, Kenyatta said his administration would focus on achieving peace and strengthening unity, following a divisive election.

“Today, work begins. The time has come not to ask what community we come from, but rather, what dreams we share. The time has come to ask not what political party we belong to, but rather what partnerships we can build,” said Kenyatta.

Outgoing president Mwai Kibaki handed over to Kenyatta the symbolic instruments of power – a sword and a copy of the constitution. Kibaki said he has “no doubt that the country is in good hands.”

Upcoming ICC trials

Kenyatta and his deputy, William Ruto, are both facing charges at the International Criminal Court for crimes related to the deadly inter-ethnic violence that swept the country following the last vote in 2007.

In a statement released Tuesday, Human Rights Watch called on Kenya’s new leaders to cooperate with the ICC and to uphold their promise to attend their trials.

Western nations told Kenyans ahead of the vote that the election of two ICC indictees could complicate diplomatic relations. Kenyatta did not directly address the issue during his speech, though he and his supporters have, in the past, dismissed the warning as foreign interference.

In a speech at the inauguration, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni praised Kenyan voters for rejecting what he called “blackmail” by the ICC and accused external powers of using the international court to achieve a political agenda.

“They are now using it to install leaders of their choice in Africa and eliminate the ones they do not like,” said Museveni.

Investigations continue in Malema case

Johannesburg – The curators of the estate of expelled ANC Youth League president Julius Malema said his contempt of court case was taken off the roll on Tuesday to allow for further investigations, the SABC reported.

The case could be re-enrolled later, according to the report.

Malema had been expected to appear in the North Gauteng High Court in Pretoria on Tuesday.

The curators brought an application to have him declared in contempt of court for allegedly failing to disclose his assets.

If found guilty, Malema could face a R500 000 fine, a jail term or a suspended sentence.

Cloete Murray, from Sechaba Trust, and Aviwe Ndyamara, from the Tshwane Trust Company, were appointed curators at the beginning of March.

They were tasked with ensuring Malema declares his assets, following a court order.

Even though Malema agreed to do so, he allegedly did not.

Malema owes the SA Revenue Service (Sars) R16m. Last month, he reportedly missed a deadline to challenge Sars’s application for the sequestration of his estate to cover his tax bill.

The Asset Forfeiture Unit then seized his Limpopo farm.

In January, sheriffs seized Malema’s homes in Sandton and Polokwane. Sars rejected a R4m settlement offer and auctioned Malema’s assets in the Sandton and Polokwane homes in February.

Sars declined to comment on the matter on Tuesday.

Asked why Malema’s case had been taken off the roll, his lawyer Tumi Mokwena said in a text message: “It’s because the applicants must have realised that they had no merits to their application.”

Malema also faces charges of fraud and racketeering related to the irregular awarding of a R52m tender to On-Point Engineers in Limpopo.

– SAPA

EU pledges 50 million euros to African Mali force

ABUJA — The European Union on Tuesday pledged 50 million euros ($65 million) in support for the African force tasked with helping fight Islamist rebels in Mali.

The international community in January promised to provide $455 million dollars to support the force, known as the International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA).

West African leaders have previously estimated the long-term AFISMA funding requirements at $950 million.

“As far as support to AFISMA is concerned, the EU is committed to playing an important role towards the eradication of the activities of terrorists and criminal groups which have been operating…in (the) Sahel and especially in Mali,” said David MacRae, the head of the EU delegation to Nigeria.

He pledged the funds at the headquarters of the Economic Community of West African states in Nigeria’s capital, alongside the ECOWAS Commission President Kadre Desire Ouedraogo.

“Most of the EU funding will cover allowances for the troops and officers and will directly support the deployment of AFISMA,” said MacRae, who also leads the EU’s delegation to ECOWAS.

The UN-mandated African force of 6,300 troops is in the coming weeks expected to take over from the 4,000 French soldiers who were deployed to Mali in January to block the Islamists from advancing on the capital.

The French military withdrew its first batch of soldiers from Mali on Tuesday.

AFISMA could swell to 11,000 troops as the French gradually withdraw but it is not clear when the additional foreign funds will be made available.

International donors have separately committed to help fund rehabilitation efforts in Mali after the West African state collapsed last year.

Tuareg rebels seized the country’s vast arid north in the chaos following a coup in March last year before losing control to well-armed Islamists.AFP

What are they really up to in Mali?

Mali Operation: Revised Approaches
Alexander Mezyaev, Strategic Culture Foundation,

It’s the third month since French troops entered Mali. The action entailed the involvement of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA), an Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) organized military mission, sent to support the government of ECOWAS member nation Mali against Islamist rebels in the north of the country. Its strength has reached around 6,500 troops by the end of March. (1) Still the French and AFISMA forces have failed to crush the resistance of the terrorists as yet. The fighting continues in the Adrar des Ifoghas and the areas around the towns of Timbuktu, Gao and Kidal. The armed formations are mobile enough, according to reports off and on they get into towns and cities, including Bamako. The humanitarian situation remains hard to manage. Around 500,000 people (2) have become refugees, about 300,000 have been displaced. Approximately 200,000 Malians have been received by Mauritania, Niger and Burkina Faso. Hunger is a threat. 750,000 urgently need food aid, 660,000 children suffer from lack of food, including 210,000 who face the most extreme form of malnutrition. (3) Dioncounda Traore, interim President of the Republic of Mali, sent a letter to the UNSC dated Feb 25 2013 asking to support the rapid deployment of AFISMA in Mali. But he wants to do it in an special way: by transforming AFISMA into a «UN stabilization and peacekeeping operation» in accordance with the provisions of UNSCR 2085 (2012) in order to restore the authority and sovereignty of the Malian State throughout its territory». (4) Looks like the request happened to be exactly what the Sec-Gen was waiting for.

On Apr 3 the UNSC held a session devoted to the situation in Mali to discuss the report of the Sec-Gen on new proposals related to the crisis management. He responded favorably to the request of the Malian President and worked out a plan to transform AFISMA into a UN peacekeeping mission. Ban Ki-moon offered two options of the plan. According to the first option, the UN could set up an «expanded political office» and let AFISMA do security and peacekeeping duties outside UN control. If a peacekeeping force was mandated, the report said the present UN mission would be «subsumed» into it. The UN, then, would support the Malian political process, carry out stabilization tasks, protect human rights and support AFISMA. The first option envisages AFISMA’s responsibility for security and support of Malian armed forces. It will be mandated to conduct offensive actions against armed extremists. The UN would increase AFISMA’s operational capabilities using the UN Trust Fund and, possibly, the logistics support package approved by the UNSC. The EU would continue efforts to train Mali’s armed forces. Support could also be rendered to Malian defense and security structures through the UN’s Trust Fund for the African support mission AFISMA and the Malian armed forces. The second option envisages the transformation of AFISMA into a UN peacekeeping force, if the UNSC finds the measure expedient and endorses it. This presupposes the formation of a stabilization mission according to Article VII of the UN Charter, with a parallel military force. Aside from the political mandate, the mission would be responsible for security and stabilization, protection of civilians and humanitarian aid. The activities would be conducted in strict accordance with the rules of engagement. As the second option envisions, the major part of AFISMA staffers would join the UN stabilization mission. Military, police and civil components of the mission would be mainly deployed in the north, leaving just a token presence in Bamako. The parallel force would act alongside the UN mission taking the responsibility for large-scale military operations and providing expert support outside the UN mandate. Both options could be construed as the gradual transformation of the present situation to the phase of UN stabilization efforts including the establishment of the parallel force. The Sec-Gen’s proposals are substantiated as follows (5):

The options presented in the present report are based on a frank appraisal of the current political and security environment, as well as a thorough analysis of the comparative advantage of the UN vis а vis other international actors in the ongoing effort to bring peace and stability to Mali. They take into account the fact that the UN is operating in a new geopolitical context and faces threats that have not been encountered before in a peacekeeping context. The situation on the ground remains fluid. Although the extremists and criminal elements have been dealt a heavy blow, they continue to pose a significant threat to the safety and security of the civilian population and any UN personnel deployed in Mali. The recent suicide bombing in Timbuktu and the fighting in Gao are a stark reminder that the risk of a major deterioration of the security situation remains ever-present.

During the Apr 3 session the representative of Mali opted for the second option. (6) According to him, Mali’s government is confident that the option would let it reach its goals: to restore its sovereignty over the national territory, to stabilize the situation in the country and to apply efforts for national reconciliation. The African Union has changed its stance too. In mid-March a revised concept of the African Union mission was submitted to the UN. It envisions being expanded by the mission of the UN. At the same time, it does not say the AFISMA mission should be subjugated by the presence of the UN. The revised document puts it straight: AFISMA is not to limit its activities to Mali, it can spread it to the neighbouring states, with their consent. (7) It’s important to point out the stance of ECOWAS. By the end of March the session of the ECOWAS Committee of Chiefs of Defence Staffs came to the conclusion that AFISMA was to be urgently provided with necessary means to enable it to take over the functions carried out by French forces. An ECOWAS representative said the French planned to pull out in the near future. The relaunch of AFISMA, tentatively planned to take off by Jul 2013, envisages a troop strength of 11,200 and 1,440 police officers for the robust assignment under the aegis of the UN to rid Mali of terrorism and criminal insurgency and also to restore the country’s territorial integrity with support for the national armed forces. Burkina Faso, Niger, Togo, Nigeria, Chad, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Guinea, Cote D’Ivoire and Gambia have already agreed to join and deploy their ground forces contingents. ECOWAS has sent a letter to the Sec-Gen strongly recommending to transform AFISMA into a UN stabilization mission with a robust mandate. (8) Besides, ECOWAS stands for the establishment of the parallel force acting alongside the UN mission capable to counter terrorists and rebels. ECOWAS urged the UNSC to authorize the deployment of the international military force in Mali in conformity with Article 7 of the UN Charter.

Demands for «robust mandate» and evoking Article 7, which allows the use of force, can mean Mali and ECOWAS want to expand the Congolese experience. A few days ago the UNSC adopted an intriguing resolution, which was largely unnoticed while being of enormous importance. For the first time since 1960, the UN Mission in Congo was mandated to engage in combat. On Mar 28 2013 the UNSC extended the mission for a year and authorized an intervention brigade which will carry out targeted offensive operations, alone or with the Congolese national army, against armed groups that threaten peace in the eastern part of Democratic Republic of Congo. The authorized strength of the force is 20,000! (9) The composition will include three battalions, an artillery battery, a company of special operations forces and a reconnaissance company. The mission is «to neutralize and disarm militant groups». The wording of the resolution and the composition of the unit leave no doubt the «neutralization» means waging combat actions. The concept of crisis management in Mali has gone through an about-face. The Africans are made to refuse the idea of tackling the conflict themselves. The African Mission, AFISMA, has failed. One of the reasons is that it never got the funds it needed. The UN and the donor states have refused to finance an African mission. But they agree to reverse their stand on condition that the UN would be a decision maker. At that, the very same AFISMA forces would do the job, but under the command of «international community». It all seems to be in conformity with logic against the background of toppling Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, who promoted the idea of creating inter-African peacekeeping forces, and the overthrow of Amadou Toumani Toure, former President of Mali, who was to become the commander-in-chief of the new contingent.

Notes
(1) According to the information of the UN Sec-Gen dated Mar 26 2013. At that, it’s only around 80% of the planned strength (9,500).
(2) According to the estimate by Jeffrey Feltman, Under-Sec-Gen for Political Affairs, the number exceeds 470,000. // UN Document S/PV.6944. С.3
(3) Same, p.4
(4) Letter of Interim President of the Republic of Mali Dioncounda Traore to UNSC President, Feb 26 2013 // UN Document S/2013/113.
(5) Sec-Gen Report on the Stuation in Mali, Mar 26 2013 // UN Document S/2013/189.
(6) Verbatim Report on UNSC session, Mar 3 2013 // UN Document S/PV.6944. p.4.
(7) Sec-Gen Letter to UNSC President, Mar 15 2013; Operations of AFISMA, Peace and Security Council of the African Union 358th meeting, Mar 7 2013, Paragraph 14 // UN Document S/2013/163. p.9.
(8) ECOWAS representative speech, UNSC session, Apr 3 2013 // UN Document S/PV.6944.
(9) UNSCR 2098 (2013), Mar 28 2013 // UN Document S/RES/2098 (2013) http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N13/273/83/PDF/N1327383.pdf

Ethiopia: Demeke Mekonen stole the show at the lavish state funeral accorded to Bereket’s mom

Ethiopia: Demeke Mekonen stole the show at the lavish state funeral accorded to Bereket’s mom.

*Is he eying the PM’s post?

(By Getahune Bekele, South Africa)

One of the main collaborators and loyal disciples of the genocidal minority Tigre Junta, Ethiopia’s Deputy Prime minister Demeke Mekonen was among thousands of mourners descended on the northern historic city of Gonder for the lavish funeral of top TPLF warlord and undisputed king maker Bereket Simeon’s late mother.

The old lady, said to be in her late 80s died in Bereket’s mansion next to Tewodros square in Addis Ababa on March28 2013, after long battle with cancer.

Appreciated for her blandishments and duality, She was described by legions of Tigre warlords as “lioness” who fearlessly spied for the two main rebel groups, Tigre People Liberation Front (TPLF) and Eritrean People Liberation Front (Shabia) in the 80s and 90s until the Durg regime succumbed in May 1991.

Hence she was accorded state funeral which angered and irritated the residents of Gonder city, further exasperating the growing resentment towards the ruling Tigre gang.

But the most inauspicious moment occurred Monday morning before the funeral procession began, when a federal police band attempted to march through the streets of the city playing the so- called liberation songs such as “Tigrai Adi Weyanay”, Tigrai land of bandits, a song regarded as profane and ethnocentric by Ethiopians.

Sensing trouble as angry crowd began to assemble the band was hurriedly removed from the streets.

Moreover, according to eye witnesses from Gonder, the city was completely shut down from Saturday until late Monday where a detachment of the TPLF army from the Tigre town of Adigrat and the federal police took control of every intersection and key installations including strategic surrounding hills and villages.

The road from the city center leading up to the Gonder St Gabriel Orthodox Church was also completely cordoned off to insure the safety of the grieving warlords.

Among the mourners were Tigrai republic God mother Azeb Mesfin, Tigrai republic’s multi-million Dollar brewery Raya beer co-owner Gen Tsadkan Gebretinsay and his business partner former TPLF spin doctor Salome Taddese, the retard Tigre warlord Sibehat Nega, feared Tigrai republic president Abby Woldu, former Marxist Leninist League Tigrai political commissar Tagay Tekestebirhan, today known as his Holiness Abune Samuel,  Tigrai republic Mufti Elias Redman and Tigrai high priest, pastor Daniel Gebresilassie.

Warlord turned citizen journalist and owner of Reporter newspaper Amare Aregawi was also there to mourn the passing of his boss’s mother.

As it is the norm in the world’s unofficial apartheid state, non-Tigre mourners were kept away from the elite by security officers in plain clothing.

 

However, it was the performance of Deputy PM Demeke Mekonen that caused beards to wag and jaws to drop.

Moving around the TPLF flag draped coffin in labored manner, gliding backwards and forwards like a moonwalker, Demeke lamented the death of the woman he barely knew in traditional Amharic mourning poems using a strangely sonorous voice.

Although some mourners gave a smirk, according to our reliable sources, others were spellbound by Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonen’s wailing skills and sheer display of loyalty, whispering ‘is he eying the post of the Prime Minister?’

“Look, all non-Tigres who were given key positions in the past had to use TPLF functions such as this to show their loyalty- Demeke was simply following suit. But am not so sure how that exaggerated false sorrow is going to lacerate the cold hearts the Tigre coterie and propel him to new heights. I don’t see him gaining any kudos.” A former non-Tigre TPLF politician who attended the funeral told the Horn Times magazine from Addis Ababa.

In additional news, after the funeral at St Gabriel church, mourners were treated to scrumptious after tears provided by the dream liner owner captain Mulatu where liquor was made available with gay abandon.

infohorntimes@gmail.com

@infohorntimes

SOMALIA: PM Meets his Ethiopian counterpart in Addis Ababa

Addis Ababa (RBC) Somalia prime minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saacid on his first visit tour to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa has met with his Ethiopian counterpart, Hailamariam Daselegn in a bid to discuss bilateral relations between the two governments, RBC Radio reports.

In a statement released by the Office of Somalia prime minister, the two prime ministers also discussed cooperation between Ethiopia and Somalia on the side of security.

“The prime minister accompanied by his wife an MP Asha Haji Elmi and several ministers also met with the Djibouti president Ismail Omar Guelleh and the president of Somali region Abdi Mohamud” the statement added.

The meeting becomes the first direct talks between the two prime ministers in Ethiopian capital.

The withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somalia is also expected to be on the agenda of the talks between the two prime ministers, sources said.

On a separate event, ministers from member-states of the Inter-governmental Authorities on Developmemt [IGAD] have postponed Monday’s meeting on Somalia in what officials termed as the inauguration of the new president-elect of Kenya.

Margaret Thatcher on apartheid: Sixteen quotes

The late British PM’s views on race discrimination, sanctions and the ANC

1. Article in the Finchley Times, December 8 1977

In her reply Mrs Thatcher assured the [anti-apartheid] protestors that the Conservative Party was totally opposed to apartheid. Her letter said: “We believe that the objective for South Africa must be rapid progress towards equal human rights for all South Africans, Furthermore, we have strongly condemned the recent repressive measures adopted by the South African authorities…. [However] In my view, isolation will lead only to an increasingly negative and intransigent attitude in the part of white South African”.

2. Speech to the House of Commons July 25 1979

The policy of apartheid, with its emphasis on separating peoples rather than bringing them together, and all the harshness required to impose it on the South African population is wholly unacceptable. Within South Africa, as in the outside world, there is a growing recognition that change must come. It is in everyone’s interest that change should come without violence. We must work by fostering contact, not by ostracism. We must be ready to acknowledge and welcome progress when it is made, even when it may appear slow and inadequate. We must not drive the South Africans into turning their backs on the world. We need to recognise the immensity and complexity of the problems they face. We must encourage progress in working out solutions to those problems.

3. Speech at Monash University (1981 Sir Robert Menzies Lecture) October 6 1981

Democratic governments have to maintain relations with many governments of whose actions and policies they disapprove. But that does not mean that members of governments, or for that matter heads of government, should refrain from exercising moral judgement.

Let me give some examples of what I mean. I cannot accept that any government is justified in pursuing policies which are based on discrimination against one citizen as opposed to another on grounds either of race or religion. It is a basic principle of civilised society that all citizens are equal before the law. A system based on apartheid cannot be defended. Nor can systems, whether clerical (as in Iran) or anti-clerical (as in the Soviet Union), which deny freedom of worship to some or all of the population.

4. TV Interview for CBS May 31 1985

I think that we have to have talks with people, even if we disapprove of their policies, and I think that we might perhaps sometimes influence some of them more either to understanding our views and try to influence them towards our views, if we talk to them. We cannot if we do not. I disapprove of apartheid. You cannot determine a person’s rights by the colour of his skin, but that does not prevent me from talking to Prime Minister Botha and making my views clear.

5. Statement to the House of Commons on her meeting with South African Prime Minister PW Botha, June 5 1984

On Namibia, we agreed that early independence for Namibia was desirable and should be achieved as soon as possible under peaceful conditions. We also agreed that all foreign forces should be withdrawn from the countries in southern Africa so that their peoples can settle their destinies without outside interference. The withdrawal of South African forces from Angola is an important first step in this process.

On the internal situation in South Africa, I expressed our strongly-held views on apartheid. I told Mr. Botha of my particular concern at the practice of forced removals and raised the question of the continued detention of Mr. Nelson Mandela . Mr. Botha gave me an account of his government’s recent constitutional measures and of the appointment of a Cabinet committee to make proposals for the political future of the black population outside the homelands.

I believe that the South African Prime Minister now understands much more clearly where Her Majesty’s Government stand on all the major issues. My talks with Mr. Botha are part of the process through which we and other western and African countries must continue to press for the sort of changes that we all want to see in southern Africa.

6. TV Interview for CBS, July 26 1986

I think a policy of sanctions would harm the very people in South Africa you are trying to help. Mrs. Helen Suzman, who’s fought against apartheid all her life, from within South Africa, also takes that view, and I agree with her. I agree with a policy of trying to influence South Africa by other means. The present Government is moving forward in the direction we wish them to go, faster than any other. I remember when Mr. Botha came round Europe, many people received him, so did I. I particularly asked him to stop the policy of forced removals, British people feel extremely strongly about it, and thought if we could get that done away with we should be doing something, and after a time, yes, they have in fact stopped the policy of enforced removal. That was something very positive. There are many other things that are going on. Sanctions will harm, not help.

7. TV Interview for ITN (Nassau Commonwealth Summit), October 20 1985

I made it abundantly clear that we are totally against apartheid. Moreover, if you were to try to apply full economic sanctions, that would not persuade the government of South Africa to negotiate-far from it! They are a very strong country economically, South Africa. South Africa is the strongest economy in the whole of Africa: 25%; of the population, 75%; of the income. She could in fact manage, even if full mandatory sanctions were applied, for a very considerable time, perhaps indefinitely. That is not the way to persuade her to do what we want her to do, which is to come to a regime that will be stable. I do not believe the present one is, and that I think is a judgment the world has made on it. To be stable, you really cannot judge people by the colour of their skin. You have got, in fact, to make provision for able people, from whatever background, to be able to get into government and for black South Africans therefore to be able to take part in government.

8. Speech at Lord Mayor’s Banquet, London, November 11 1985

My Lord Mayor, I detest apartheid. I couldn’t stand being excluded or discriminated against because of the colour of my own skin. And if you can’t stand a colour bar against yourself, you can’t stand it against anyone else. Apartheid is wrong and it must go. Major changes are taking place in South Africa. We should welcome and encourage them.

The right way to deal with legitimate grievances is not by violence but by a genuine dialogue between the South African Government and the black community. For that dialogue to succeed there must be a suspension of violence on all sides. The whole Commonwealth agreed on that.

Economic sanctions are not the way to promote peaceful change. Sanctions do not work. Indeed they make problems worse. They would be a blow to all those firms and people who are in the forefront of efforts to end apartheid by giving black Africans more jobs and greater opportunities. Our goal is a future for South Africa which guarantees people of all races their political rights and freedoms and which preserves South Africa’s economic success.

9. Remarks following statement on Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (Nassau) to the House of Commons, October 29 21985:

I agree with my right hon. Friend that the South African Government have taken more steps than were taken by any of their predecessors to start the process of dismantling apartheid. A considerable number of measures have been taken-the Mixed Marriages Act and section 16 of the Immorality Act have been repealed, almost all job reservations have been removed and forced removals have been suspended, the abolition of influx control and pass laws has been recommended to the President by his advisory council, and a common 819citizenship for all South Africans has been restored. These are considerable steps towards the process of removing apartheid-a process which will need to continue, and to which the dialogue is directed.

10. Interview with Hugo Young of The Guardian, July 8 1986

I do not like apartheid. It is wrong. I like valuing people for what they are, not for their colour or their background. Apartheid is wrong and it has to go, and it is going and I have seen President Botha when he came over … I did receive him. He came down to Chequers and we had, I think, a whole day discussing things, including internal things in South Africa for a very long time, and we had then a long discussion about enforced removals, because this was a thing which was totally and utterly particularly repugnant to us and, as you know, we had a long correspondence about it and long discussions, and as you know, those have been stopped now. And a number of other things have been stopped. So things are coming in the right direction. Naturally, one wishes them to come faster. So the objective is the same. It is how to achieve the objective.

Press Conference after Commonwealth Summit, London, August 5 1986

We continue to believe that the goal of dismantling apartheid and establishing democracy in South Africa will be reached in the end by negotiation. It is that goal, in the context of a suspension of violence, which we seek. Racial justice with peace, not amid an economic wasteland, but the growing prosperity which a non-racial South Africa could enjoy.

11. Speech at opening ceremony of 32nd Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference, Westminster Hall, Westminster, September 25 1986

And over the past years the Commonwealth has in practice tolerated and accepted a very wide range of governments and policies. To cite an example: we all detest the system of apartheid in South Africa and want to see it demolished as soon as possible, but we don’t quite agree how best to do it. There is nothing unusual in agreeing the end but disputing the means.

12. Press Conference at Vancouver Commonwealth Summit, Canada, October 17 1987

Just before you, I just remembered I did not answer the second part of the previous question put to me about the ANC, when the ANC says that they will target British companies. This shows what a typical terrorist organisation it is. I fought terrorism all my life and if more people fought it, and we were all more successful, we should not have it and I hope that everyone in this hall will think it is right to go on fighting terrorism. They will if they believe in democracy.

13. Speech to Foreign Press Association, London, January 13 1988

You will expect me to say something about my recent visit to Africa. It was, first of all, a thoroughly interesting and stimulating experience. I was received very kindly in both countries and the welcome from ordinary people exceeded all expectations. One purpose of my visit was to emphasise that there was no difference between us over the aim of getting rid of apartheid-only over the method by which that aim can best be achieved.

The idea that the collapse of apartheid can be achieved by a concerted push from outside to destroy the South African economy is, I believe, an illusion. Punitive sanctions would make the problems worse and do untold damage to black South Africans and their children as well as to South Africa’s neighbouring states and their peoples. Moreover, it is progressive foreign companies in South Africa which have been in the forefront of dismantling apartheid. It would be a tragedy to prevent them from continuing what they do in this respect. I believe that the path mapped out by the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group offers the best prospect of progress towards negotiations between all groups in South Africa, against the background of a suspension of violence on all sides.

14. Written Statement on South Africa ( Southern Africa: The Way Ahead, Britain’s View ), October 22 1989

In Britain’s view there have been important and positive changes in South Africa since the last meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government in Vancouver. Seventy per cent of white South Africans voted for change in the recent elections and there is now a government firmly committed to the concept of negotiations. Peaceful political activity by the black majority has been accepted and eight of the political prisoners whose release has long been a goal of Commonwealth countries have been set free.

In this new situation, Britain believes that the Commonwealth should concentrate now on encouraging change rather than on further punishment. Whatever their intention, the effect of sanctions is punitive. All the evidence is that they bear hardest on the poorest and weakest members of South Africa’s black population, depriving them of the dignity of jobs and the ability to care for their families. South Africa’s population is growing very rapidly and the country needs economic growth to provide a decent standard of living for its people. Sanctions, in particular financial sanctions, have the effect of deliberately depriving South Africa of access to the funds which it needs in order to grow. They thus put out of reach the possibility of improving living standards for all South Africans. Sanctions contribute to poverty and misery in South Africa, whereas Britain’s efforts are directed to helping relieve poverty and misery throughout Africa as a whole.

15. Article for Sunday Express, December 28 1989

In southern Africa, which I visited earlier this year, freedom and democracy are on the march. After the successful election in Namibia the release of Nelson Mandela, which I hope to see in 1990, would surely speed the end of the decaying system of apartheid in South Africa. And we are working hard for peace and reform in Angola and Mozambique, too.

16. Press Conference on South Africa (De Klerk measures), Downing Street, February 2 1990

Good Morning. I wanted to say a word of congratulations to President de Klerk for his far reaching, bold and courageous proposals to get negotiations going in South Africa, to bring an end to apartheid and to get a government which all South Africans can believe in and agree to. It opens the way for negotiations peacefully, which is what we have always wanted. It means that the approach that Britain has taken to this, which is not one of isolating South Africa but keeping contact with her and talking to her, of not having comprehensive sanctions, that approach of contact rather than isolation is now paying off and will be helpful to all of the people of South Africa and to the Front Line States.

Quotes extracted from speeches, transcripts and statements collected by The Margaret Thatcher Foundation

Real Madrid have everything to lose, says Jose Mourinho

Real Madrid's coach Jose Mourinho addresses reporters during a news conference in Nicosia March 26, 2012. Real Madrid plays against APOEL Nicosia in a Champions League quarter-final soccer match on March 27. REUTERS/Yorgos Karahalis (CYPRUS - Tags: SPORT SOCCER)

Real Madrid’s coach Jose Mourinho addresses reporters during a news conference in Nicosia March 26, 2012. Real Madrid plays against APOEL Nicosia in a Champions League quarter-final soccer match on March 27. REUTERS/Yorgos Karahalis (CYPRUS – Tags: SPORT SOCCER)

Real Madrid may have a comfortable 3-0 advantage over Galatasaray ahead of Tuesday’s Champions League quarterfinal, second leg here but coach Jose Mourinho is not resting on his laurels.

The Portuguese boss, chasing a third European title with a third different team in a third different country, believes his side face a tricky situation as they have nothing to gain and everything to lose.

“If we lose 4-0 or 5-1 or on penalties, the world will open their mouths, it would be a very bad situation for all of us,” he said.

“Especially for Real Madrid because it would be something unexpected, we have everything to lose and nothing to win because everyone is waiting for us (to progress).

“My challenge is to not think about the 3-0 but to think about a football match. And when you want to think about a football match you want to win and you play to win, and that’s my challenge to the players.

“If we come here tomorrow (Tuesday) and lose 2-0 or if we lose 3-1, I’m not going to be happy, I’m not going (to go) home happy.

“I want to win the match and if we can’t win we will try to have a draw.”

Real outclassed the Turkish champions at the Bernabeu last week and for many people the second leg is little more than a formality.

But Mourinho says the Turkish fans won’t see it that way.

“I remember a UEFA Cup match in 2003, I think, with Porto we played against Denizlispor. We won the first match 7-0, 7-1 or 6-0 (actually 6-1), I can’t remember.

“When we came to Turkey for the return leg we arrived in a full stadium in front of motivated fans and against a team that was nothing like the one we beat 6-0 or 7-0.

“If a Portuguese, Spanish or Italian team loses the first leg 4-0 or 5-0, for the return the stadium is empty and the fans jeer.

“Here, the fans will support their team right to the end. We’re expecting a white-hot stadium but we like that. I think the players will appreciate that and will play well.”

But despite his apparent conservatism, Mourinho couldn’t help but admit he truly believed the tie was over.

And he already has one eye on who his side will face in the last four.

“Before these quarters I thought all eight teams had the same chances of winning the competition.

“After the first legs it was clear certain teams are ahead. We’re ahead, as are Barcelona and Bayern (Munich).

“In the semifinals there will be four teams who certainly will all have the same possibilities of winning.

“Every team in the Champions League is there to win it. Whoever wins, it won’t be a surprise for me. And whether I win or lose, I won’t change my mind.”