Mercy Johnson’s ban: Movie marketers break silence

MRECYThe last may not have been heard in respect of the controversy surrounding the alleged ban of the star actress, Mercy Johnson last year by the movie marketers.
It was gathered during the week that the marketers have vowed not to lift the ban until the actress has tendered a letter of apology to them through their umbrella body, Film and Video Producers and Marketers Association of Nigeria, FVPMAN.
But HVP’s findings, however, revealed that all is not well with the rank and file in the marketers’ body since they slammed the ban on the actress for being expensive.
According to a reliable source, while the chairman of the Lagos State chapter of the association, Mr Nobert Ajaegbu granted an interview last year, disowing the proposed ban of the actress, his aggrieved members who were dissatisfied with his action have refused to pay their dues to the association.
Following this development, Mr. Ajaegbu is said to have changed his position in order to give peace a chance. He told HVP that he decided to retrace his steps after he found out that Mercy Johnson actually committed all the things she was accused of.
“It was a case of established indiscipline on the part of Mercy Johnson,”Ajaegbu said. Meanwhile,in a statement made available to HVP, Ajaegbu who doubles as FVPMAN spokesman, addressed some of the salient issues surrounding Mercy’s alleged ban.
According to him, “We did not ban Mercy because; we have resolved never to play ourselves god in any one’s life.
We only resolved to severe our business relationship with her because she have shown strong disregard to the rules of professional conduct and abuse on the terms of production contracts.”
Ajaegbu said, the ban was a “factor of mixed truth and falsehood.”
‘The issue in question has no bearing on her fee or charges as widely speculated. It is a function of misconduct, unjust and unfair treatment of film producers. We are obviously not agitated over what Mercy is being paid because, we pay the bills.
We are strongly agitated because we anticipate that professional justification ought to have been given to the contract to act or perform. We believe that the sanctity of contract ought to have been respected.
The facts as we know before are that some of our members contracted Mercy at a particular scale of charge, when she collected money from higher bidders, she disregarded the contracts at lesser price and to some, she gave stringent and unprofessional conditions.
We had written a letter to her in this regard about a year ago. The letter was a private advice from our union as well as a caution. We thought it wise to first caution her in case it was an unconscious attitude.
Her inconsiderate attitude of disregarding this untold hardship on producers leaves us with no option, than to severe this uncommon relationship.
It is not a ban, but simply a survival strategy. We took our time to investigate these allegations and came to the conclusion that they are not spurious. We did strong internal engagements, disagreements before arriving at the actual prove of facts relating to this issue.
Since the speculation in late October, last year, we had anticipated her to demonstrate some sort of remorse.
What we see is more of blackmail and ridicule. What is said to the world by her publicist was the tale of how we are unable to afford her charges or portray our people as envious of what she is being paid.”


Prophets of Environmental Doom

  • Global movement-building organization dedicated to achieving intergovernmental regulations to counteract global warming
  • Opposed the 2009 “cap and trade” bill because it was not extreme enough
  • Partners with such organizations as Greenpeace, Pax Christi, the Regeneration Project, and the U.S. Climate Action Network

See also:  Bill McKibben

Founded and led by Bill McKibben, is an international campaign to promote global environmentalism and to generate support for intergovernmental regulations on greenhouse-gas emissions. The group derives its name from the measurement “350 parts per million” (350 ppm), which some scientists believe is the maximum amount of carbon dioxide (CO2) that should be permitted to exist in the earth’s atmosphere. The leaders of contend that if the benchmark of 350 ppm is not reached in the near future, a global catastrophe will result. Indeed, maintains that many harbingers of such a cataclysm are already evident: polar icecap melting, worldwide increases in disease, food shortages, and general environmental degradation. is the international reinvention of Mckibben’s 2007 Sustainable Markets Foundation (SMF) — a grantee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Rockefeller Family Fund — as their fiscal sponsor. In 2006, SMF gave approximately $200,000 to the Step-It-Up campaign. In 2007, while still supporting Step-It-Up, SMF earmarked some $243,000 for

According to McKibben, the Step-It-Up rallies that took place across the United States in 2007 were instrumental in prompting then-Democratic presidential candidates Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton to commit to the goal of cutting carbon emissions in the U.S. by 80 percent by the year 2050. Moreover, the success of Step-It-Up encouraged McKibben to bring the project to the international stage, in the form of

Especially important to the mission of was the work of Dr. James Hansen, head of the NASA Institute for Space Studies in New York City. Hansen, who is a “designed to make the “350” number, and by extension its environmental significance, a universally recognizable meme. vehemently opposes the use of fossil fuels, particularly oil and coal. Likewise, the organization opposes off-shore oil drilling. In the wake of the massive 2009 Gulf Coast oil spill, launched a campaign to protest off-shore drilling and the use of fossil fuels in general.

Also in 2009, opposed the American Clean Energy and Security Act (“because: “capitalism is at the heart of the climate crisis”; “carbon trading is based in the ideological belief in the omnipotence of the market”; and economic growth is undesirable because it leads to “unnecessary” energy use.

Most of’s ongoing campaigns are geared toward organizing concerted events and demonstrations around the world. This is especially true in advance of landmark global-warming conferences such as the 2009 global-climate summit in Copenhagen. In an effort to generate public support for the summit within the faith community, partnered with the World Council of Churches to enlist houses of worship in numerous countries to ring their bells 350 times during the weekend of December 11-13, 2009, while the Copenhagen conference was in session. Notable participants in this bell-ringing initiative included Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams. In addition, collaborated with such luminaries as Tutu and executive director Ricken Patel to organize a candlelight vigil promoting the Copenhagen talks.

In 2010, participated in the “World’s People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth,” which was sponsored by the Bolivian government. This event, like the Copenhagen Climate Conference of 2009, demanded that countries around the world commit to drastic reductions in carbon emissions.

Also in 2010, initiated a “10/10/10″ campaign which featured “work parties” — gatherings where people engaged in environmentalist activities — that took place on October 10, 2010. Partnering with on this project was the Global Greengrants Fund (GGF), which is bankrolled by numerous far-left funders including the Ford Foundation, the George Soros-headed Foundation to Promote Open Society (a sister organization of the Open Society Institute), and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.

In yet another 2010 project, partnered with the Energy Action Coalition and other organizations on the “Great Power Race,” a competition to encourage citizens of the United States, China, and India to undertake environmentalist projects. In a separate campaign that same year — the “Put Solar On It” project, which promoted the use of solar panels to heat and power people’s homes — partnered with Greenpeace.

In 2010 as well, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund gave the Sustainable Markets Foundation a $100,000 grant which was earmarked specifically for a program aimed at pressuring the Obama administration to oppose the construction of the Keystone Pipeline XL. In a direct appeal to the President, claimed that the “sands represent a catastrophic threat to our communities, our climate, and our planet,” and demanded that Obama reject the permit. When Obama ultimately did reject it in January 2012 (on grounds that more time was required to adequately review the project’s potential environmental consequences), claimed victory, declaring on its website: “After relentless campaigning, the Keystone XL pipeline has been effectively killed!”

But the celebration did not last long, once it became clear that President Obama had left the door open to the possibility that the Keystone proposal might eventually pass regulatory muster. Outraged, vowed to protest every subsequent public appearance by Obama until such time as he announced a final decision regarding the pipeline.

In 2012, launched a “Fossil Free” campaign exhorting educational, religious, and government institutions to “immediately freeze any new investment in fossil fuel companies, and divest from direct ownership and any commingled funds that include fossil fuel public equities and corporate bonds within 5 years.” identifies a coterie of “messengers” — which it describes as “writers, scholars, activists, leaders, and visionaries” — who support the organization’s agendas. Among these individuals are Rajendra Pachauri, chairman of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change; Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa; and Van Jones, founder of Green For All and the former “green jobs czar” of the Obama administration.’s partners and allies include such groups as Avaaz, Greenpeace, Pax Christi, the Regeneration Project, the U.S. Climate Action Network, the Rainforest Action Network, and the United Nations Foundation.

var addthis_config = {“data_track_clickback”:true,”data_track_addressbar”:true,”data_track_textcopy”:false,”ui_language”:”en”,”ui_atversion”:”300″,”ui_508_compliant”:true};
var addthis_product = ‘wpp-3.5.6′;

Gimme a Break: Ivorian Cocoa’s Got 99 Problems, But the Kids Ain’t One

Sikensi, Ivory Coast:

In March 2012, the European Parliament renewed the International Cocoa Agreement and approved a resolution aimed at, amongst other things, eradicating forced child labour in cocoa production. This is no doubt a noble cause − forced labour is a dire violation of human rights and dignity − but when it comes to the Ivory Coast, it’s also a very easy one: forced child labour in Ivorian cocoa fields is virtually non-existent.Cocoa is crucial to the Ivory Coast’s economy and is mainly grown around the deep green and undulating lands in the south, centre and west of the country. These areas help the country produce around 40% of the world’s entire cocoa supply, and the crop is responsible for 15% of the Ivory Coast’s GDP, 20% of its tax revenue, and 35% of its exports.Ivorian cocoa typically ends up at ports like Amsterdam − the biggest cocoa harbour in the world − but it starts its journey starts on thousands of tiny plantations. At one of these in Sikensi, 100 miles northeast of Abidjan, I found farmers and their children working side-by-side on a small but lush multi-purpose enterprise.Yao, the fifty-something owner, happily explains that he had always grown a diversity of crops on his farm − “If one cash crop fails, I have income from another; if one food crop fails, we can eat another” − but the atmosphere changes abruptly when we want to take some photographs. Everyone who looks underage is chased off the field.The incessant reporting about child slaves has made the villagers wary. Child labour has been a staple of Western campaigners in recent years. In late 2012, for example, this website published an article citing estimates that some 1.8 million child labourers are working in Ghana and the Ivory Coast as well as a US Department of State guesstimate that over 100,000 children are working under “the worst forms of child labour” on Ivorian farms. Meanwhile the Dutch journalist-turned-activist-turned-ethical-chocolatier Teun van de Keuken has claimed there are 460,000 people “working in conditions that have been declared illegal” in West Africa.Figures citing hundreds of thousands of child slaves make for sensations headlines, but they don’t chime with the reality experienced by farmers such as Yao. “I am sending my children to school and they are also learning the trade exactly the same way as I did: from my parents,” he says. “If you have a better idea as to how you can take experience from one generation to the next, I’d like to hear about it.”

From Caistab to chaos

The Ivory Coast’s cocoa industry is wrought with problems, most of which can be traced back to its hasty, ill-considered and poorly executed liberalisation in the late 1990s. Before then, the industry had been regulated by the Caisse de stabilisation et de soutien des prix des productions agricoles, more commonly known as Caistab.Caistab was a state agency that offered farmers a guaranteed market at set prices. The organisation facilitated the buying and selling of the crop and removed many of the risks and uncertainties associated with cocoa farming. However, Caistab also worked to siphon illicit extra funds into the pockets of the ruling party and its leader Félix Houphouët-Boigny.It was partly this corruption that led the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to call for its abolition, and as cocoa prices continued to drop through the 1980s and 1990s, the Ivory Coast eventually acceded to its wishes.Liberalising the industry, however, proved to be a hugely problematic. And even today, Edouard N’Guessan, who went on to become a director of New Caistab (Caistab’s successor) and was present at the negotiations, wrote a book in which he assessed the results of liberalisation. His verdict: negative. Even more devastating is the view of an economist who also took part in negotiations and spoke on the condition of anonymity. To this day, he is still furious at what he sees as the callous indifference of the IMF and World Bank and at the rashness with which the crucial industry was restructured. “I told those World Bank and IMF people that they were going too fast and that this would end in absolute disaster, and it has,” he says.Indeed, the cocoa industry disintegrated into a large number of cooperatives and private operators; government oversight and management of the sector lost its coherence as it fractured into various smaller bodies; and a few large multinational buyers were able to use their financial leverage to muscle in on the hitherto protected market and gain a stranglehold on exports.The big losers were farmer like Yao for whom prices plummeted to the point that growing and selling cocoa sometimes cost them money. Furthermore, the new system hardly rooted out opportunities for corruption. In fact, one could argue that it deepened and intensified it, with vast amounts of embezzled cocoa revenues being used to fund the country’s civil war in the mid-2000s.”With Caistab we had to support a director, his family, his home, his car, his mistress and so on,” says one of Yao’s fellow farmers from Sikensi. “With the new system in place, we’ve got to support four of five of these.”Meanwhile journalists trying to expose the rot in the system have − at best − been intimidated into dropping their enquiries. In April 2004, Guy-André Kieffer, a French-Canadian journalist researching the industry disappeared, while several Ivorian journalists investigating the sector have reportedly received death threats.

Myth and reality

As we can see, there is no shortage of problems within the Ivory Coast’s cocoa industry. But despite the headlines, child slavery doesn’t seem to be one of them.Indeed, in a 2013 background paper on forced labour and trafficking in Africa, the International Labour Organisation explained that “there are many clear examples where the assumption of forced labour has proved wrong. This is especially the case with cocoa production.” The paper cites a range of studies that have disproven the idea of large numbers of child slaves and of widespread exploitation in West African cocoa fields, concluding that “an absence of good quality, accurate, empirical data has allowed for the perpetuation of sensationalist and often misplaced claims.”Returning to the sector’s real problems, there has been some notable progress in recent years. With the worst of the country’s political crisis has subsided for now, the economy is reportedly recording nearly double-digit growth figures, while the government of President Alassana Ouattara has abandoned the messy system that succeeded Caistab and re-instated a guaranteed basic price for cocoa. It is somewhat ironic that it is the exact same forces that created the chaos of liberalisation that are now trying to undo it; the recent reforms have once again been come amidst pressure from the IMF and World Bank, while Ouattara himself is a former IMF deputy director and as prime minister (1990-1993) was one of the main figures behind the country’s market liberation.However, many problems remain. With cocoa prices differing between neighbouring producers, particularly Ivory Coast and Ghana, many exporters try to get higher profits by smuggling crops across the border. The amount smuggled can be as high as hundreds of thousands of tonnes each year, leading to significant losses in tax revenues for the Ivorian or Ghanaian governments. Furthermore, corruption at all levels is still rife and many farmers claim they are still extorted, over-taxed and short-changed by the current system.The idea that millions of young children are being trafficked, enslaved, and forced to work 16-hour days in dire conditions makes for dramatic and emotive story, and one that campaigners can easily rally around. The concept of inequitable state pricing, misguided economic policies and distorted value chains makes for a much less rousing tale. However, while the former is thankfully a myth, it is the latter that is all too real.Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please contact: further reading around the subject see: Guilty Pleasure: Slavery and Child Labour in the Production of Chocolate Kenya: Tobacco’s Immigrant Child Labour Cocoa in West Africa 

“You Can’t Suspend the Truth”: Worries for Nigeria over Sanusi’s Ouster

In what has been seen by most as a baldly political move, President Goodluck Jonathan shocked both markets and observers yesterday as he suspended Nigeria’s widely-celebrated Central Bank Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi.In a press release Jonathan’s spokesman claimed that “Lamido Sanusi’s tenure has been characterised by various acts of financial recklessness,” but offered no details or specifics, and many commentators believe the real reason for Sanusi’s removal was his outspokenness on institutional corruption.“Sanusi’s persistent criticism of Nigeria’s opaque oil revenue management and allegations of unremitted NNPC [Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation – the state-owned oil company] oil proceeds made him a public enemy of the political elite,” says Samir Gadio, Emerging Market Strategist at Standard Bank. “His suspension is a disruptive move which indicates that the Central Bank has de facto lost much of its independence.”Sanusi, who was due to step down when his term expired this June anyway, was swiftly replaced by Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) deputy governor Sarah Alade, but this did little to reassure the markets. Following Sanusi’s suspension, the naira saw its largest daily decline since a December 2009 devaluation, while trading in Nigeria’s foreign exchange, money and bond markets halted amidst the uncertainty.Meanwhile the latest reports that have emerged are claiming that Sanusi − who was in Niamey, Niger, where he was attending a West African regional summit − has had his passport confiscated.

You can’t suspend the truth

Sanusi became governor of the Central Bank in June 2009 at a time when the Nigerian Stock Exchange was the worst performer in the world, oil was at only $40 per barrel, and the Nigerian banking system was about to implode under its own weight of bad debts, mismanagement and fraud.On taking office, Sanusi embarked on a swathe of reformist policies, and received much praise at home and abroad for his handling of the financial crisis, forcing banks to pay for their own bailouts, recovering assets stolen by senior bank executives, shoring up the Naira, keeping inflation under control, making much-needed credit available to agriculture, and for his outspoken criticism of rent-seeking and corruption. He was named central bank governor of the year in 2010 by The Banker magazine.However, while Sanusi’s reforms and outspokenness were winning him plaudits in some circles, they were also creating enemies for him amongst some of Nigeria’s political and economic elites.“Sanusi’s suspension demonstrates that Nigeria is still, unfortunately, at the mercy powerful vested interests that will seek to do away with anyone perceived to be a threat,” says political analyst Raymond Eyo. “He was suspended for speaking up against corruption and asking serious and pertinent questions that indirectly indict Jonathan of aiding and abetting the scourge.”Jonathan in fact tried to get the Central Bank governor to resign in December 2013, but Sanusi declined the offer. And since then, Sanusi has continued to cause a stir by alleging that billions of dollars from oil sales are unaccounted for. In these claims, he has drawn some criticism himself for the huge variation in the figures he has offered for the missing funds − lowering his initial $50 billion claim down to $20 billion − but accurate figures for NNPC are notoriously hard to come by – the company has not been fully audited since 2005.Despite the president’s claims of Sanusi’s recklessness and mismanagement, many see his decision as a brazen political manoeuvre. Asked whether he believed his suspension was politically motivated, Sanusi replied: “It’s not for me to comment. I think the answer to that is obvious.” He remained upbeat and said that he was proud of what he had achieved, and hoped the economy would not be hurt by his suspension. However, in his parting shots, he reminded the Jonathan administration: “You can suspend an individual but you can’t suspend the truth.”

Markets mayhem

Markets responded to news of Sanusi’s suspension with a great deal of uncertainty and many are unenthusiastic about the prospects going forwards.“In the immediate term, Sanusi’s removal will have a negative impact on the economy,” says Gaimin Nonyane, Senior Macroeconomist at Ecobank. “Already, overnight, the naira has weakened 1.8%.”These views were echoed by Gadio. “Foreign investors are likely to sell Nigerian assets more actively in coming days subject to market liquidity constraints,” he suggests, though points out that “the CBN intervened in the foreign exchange market by selling US dollars to banks, suggesting that the Central Bank wants to avoid a dislocation of the foreign exchange regime at this stage.”Gaimin and Gadio agree that the appointment of Alade as acting CBN governor is a step in the right direction, with Gaimin describing Alade as “safe pair of hands”. Meanwhile, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Coordinating Minister of the Economy and Finance Minister, has tried to reassure investors by saying that Alade will continue Sanusi’s policies. “Recent developments at the Central Bank of Nigeria will not change the economic policy focus of the country,” she wrote in a press release. Interestingly, the tone and the content of Okonjo-Iweala’s statement seem at odds with the much more aggressive tone that Jonathan’s office has taken.

Bedding down for a fight

Sanusi’s removal does not just raise questions about economic management, investor confidence and vested interest control of government, but also about Jonathan’s executive overreach. According to Section 11 of the 2007 Central Bank of Nigeria Act, the president requires a two-thirds vote in the senate to remove the CBN governor. No mention has been made of this in government statements.Were Jonathan to take his decision to the senate, it is highly unlikely it would be supported. Not only is Sanusi widely respected across the chamber, but the opposition All Progressive Congress (APC), which has more than a third of seats, is unequivocal in its demands that the vote be brought and that they oppose Sanusi’s ouster.It is therefore highly unlikely that Jonathan will put his decision before the senate, which is probably why Sanusi has been suspended rather than sacked. This means Sanusi will have to fight his corner through the courts. He has stated he will not retake office but will challenge Jonathan’s decision for the sake of the CBN’s autonomy from political control. Atiku Abubakar, a former vice-president who has recently joined the APC, backed Sanusi, urging him to take his case to court “in the interest of constitutionalism and the rule of law.”Regardless of claims made by the presidency of misconduct by Sanusi, the move must also be seen in the context of next year’s long-awaited elections. 2013 was an annus horribilis for Goodluck Jonathan. Almost every move he took solidified opposition to him: first the opposition united, then his party split, and finally most of the dissenters in his party joined the opposition. Furthermore, with the 2015 elections fast approaching, Jonathan in recent months has been bedding down for a fight to the political death, sacking ministers thought to be loyal to opposition governors and putting in their place those who he hopes will battle tooth and nail for him in the lead up to elections.Sanusi was a fly in this ointment. He was too independent, too outspoken and refused to speak from a pre-approved script. That is why he had to go. But Sanusi is not the main victim of Jonathan’s pre-election politics. Nigeria itself is now poorer for having lost a bank governor whose successes will be taught in central banks across the globe. And the much promised radical development of Nigeria will be put on ice as elite interests and political power considerations colour every move in government from now until elections.Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please further reading around the subject see: What to Watch as Nigeria’s 2015 Showdown Brews Blocking the Budget: Nigeria’s Opposition Flexes its Newfound Muscles Sanusi: Class Warrior? 

Anthony Annan Won’t Feature In Schalke and Mainz Clash

Anthony Annan trained with Schalke this week but failed to make their squad for their game on Friday

Anthony Annan trained with Schalke this week but failed to make their squad for their game on Friday

Ghana midfielder Anthony Annan has dropped down the pecking order at Schalke 04 as he has been left out of the Royal Blues’s team to face Mainz 05 in the German Bundesliga on Friday night. 

The 27-year-old had been in Jens Keller’s 18-man squad for their last two Bundesliga games but is axed for the home game against Mainz 05.

Annan is one of the fringe players hoping to impress Ghana coach James Kwesi Appiah and earn a place in the Ghana squad for the 2014 World Cup by earning enough playing time at club.

But his official debut for Schalke in the current season has delayed as he is excluded from their squad to face Mainz.

However, the former Hearts of Oak player could make their Uefa Champions League squad to face Real Madrid in mid-week.

View the original article here

Do you have a story or an article to publish? Please email us to

var addthis_config = {“data_track_clickback”:true,”data_track_addressbar”:true,”data_track_textcopy”:false,”ui_language”:”en”,”ui_atversion”:”300″,”ui_508_compliant”:true};
var addthis_product = ‘wpp-3.5.6′;

John Boye On Appiah’s List For Montenegro Friendly

John Boye

John Boye

Ghana coach Kwesi Appiah has invited fit-again Stade Rennes defender John Boye for next month’s international friendly against Montenegro, can exclusively reveal. sources at the French Ligue 1 side confirmed the player was told about the call-up national team on Tuesday.

Appiah wants to assess the fitness of the stalwart defender, who recently returned from lengthy injury layoff, as he finalizes his squad for the 2014 FIFA World Cup.

Boye will be making a return to team since September last year when he picked up an injury after captaining the Black Stars in an exhibition match against Japan.

The centre-back was in the treatment room battling injuries and underwent surgery to correct a pubis problem.

He played his first top-tier football match two weeks ago when he lasted the entire duration of Rennes’ 1-0 win at Auxerre in the Coupe de France.

But the 26-year-old has not been named Phillipe Montanier’s team for their last Saturday’s Ligue 1 match against Montpellier and this weekend’s trip to Nantes.

Ghana’s friendly against Montenegro will be played in Podgorica in Montenegro.

It will be the last test match before coach Appiah names his final squad for this June’s FIFA World Cup finals in Brazil.

View the original article here

Do you have a story or an article to publish? Please email us to

Evian TG Squad Picks Jonathan Mensah for Bordeaux Game

Jonathan Mensah

Jonathan Mensah

Ghana defender Jonathan Mensah has returned to the Evian Thonon-Gaillard set up for their French Ligue 1 match against Bordeaux.

Mensah is making a return from a three-match suspension handed him by the The Disciplinary Committee of the LFP following his sending off at Lyon last month.

Evian TG coach Pascal Dupraz has named the centre-back in his squad to the Stade Jacques Chaban-Delmas.

The 23-year-old missed matches against Ajaccio, Montpellier and Lille.

View the original article here

Do you have a story or an article to publish? Please email us to

Abeiku Ainooson Happy On Scoring For Scoring For Kotoko

Abeiku Ainooson

Abeiku Ainooson

Asante Kotoko defender Abeiku Ainooson is savouring his match-winner in the narrow 1-0 win over Medeama on Thursday in the First Capital Plus Premier League.

Ainooson scored from a goalmouth melee as the Porcupine Warriors opened a seven-point lead at the top.

The win was a huge sigh of relief for Kotoko after a difficult week following their shock elimination from the CAF Champions League and also rocked by the news that target man Yahaya Mohammed signing a pre-contract with Libyan outfit Ittihad and will leave at the end of the campaign.

“I feel good for scoring this goal but most importantly we got all three points at a difficult ground,” Ainooson told

“Whenever you score you feel good within you that you have aided the team in achieving its set object especially being a defender.”

View the original article here

Do you have a story or an article to publish? Please email us to

At The Requiem Mass Held For Komla Dumor

ALL THE PHOTOS FROM Komla Dumor’s Requiem Mass

A Requiem Mass was today held at the Holy Spirt Cathedral in Accra, for late BBC Ghanaian Journalist, Komla Dumor. It was attended by a sizeable chunk of well-wishers, friends and former working colleagues, some of who were from the BBC. The Mass was moderated by Metropolitan Archbishop of the Catholic Archdiocese of Accra, Palmer Buckle.

Below, some official images from the event.


Archbishop Palmer Buckle


A procession of the clergy at the start of the Requiem mass


Former GNPC boss, and Lawyer Tsatsu Tsikata


This mood says it all. Grief!


(Left) Lauretta Aryeetey, formerly of the Miss Ghana office


The event enjoyed some security presence


Dumor’s Sister, Mawuena, formerly of Newmont and MTN, and now with the GIPC (immediate right)


Host of CITI FM’s Morning Show Bernard Avle


Well attended


The Choir


Dr Emmanuel Akwetey of the National Peace Council


Ghana Journalists Association President, Affail Monney


Attendees were mostly clad in traditional Ghanaian funeral colours of red and black


The event aired live on National television




Do you have a story or an article to publish? Please email us to

Meet Oganla, the servant CEO

Meeting him at his Salvation Road, Opebi, Ikeja, Lagos office, chances are that you will mistake him for one of his employees. Quite unlike some bossy CEOs, unassuming Lekan Oganla, the President and Chief Operating Officer of Taxi-Ad Nigeria, a fast-moving mobile advertising group, is always on his feet, working on all cylinders to make a huge success of the project he started over four years ago.

“Ah, my Oga eats, drinks, talks and works Taxi-Ad. He can do the work of a receptionist, all in the name of actualising his dream for the group. He is always totally involved,” Deji Olagunju, the company’s Head of Administration & Finance, said.

Not cut out for frivolities, Oganla, it was learnt, is always eager to get to work whenever he is in Lagos and elsewhere in the interest of the frontline firm. He keeps his staff on their toes always.

“Even in my sleep, I dream Taxi-Ad because of the kind of work attitude and ethics he has inculcated in us – even the sweeper in the office. He believes in hard work as the only road to success,” Olagunju added.

Print Friendly